In Myanmar, the military has expertly utilized Buddhism to enhance its political influence. This tactic, known as “Saffron Washing,” parallels the concept of “greenwashing,” where organizations portray themselves as environmentally conscious. This article delves into how Myanmar’s military has strategically employed Buddhism to justify its governance and retain authority, while also analyzing the broader implications of this manipulation.
Before delving deeper, it is crucial to revisit the nation’s history and its deep ties to the development of Buddhism. Numerous Burmese dynasties leveraged Buddhism to strengthen their political control. Historical accounts indicate that Buddhism arrived in Burma (Myanmar) in the late 11th century and was endorsed by the monarchy. King Anawrahta used Buddhism as the foundation to consolidate his political authority and establish the Pagan dynasty of Burma (849-1297 CE). Since then, Buddhism has remained the dominant religion.
During the reign of King Bayinnaung, the second Burmese dynasty – the Toungoo dynasty (1510-1752 CE) – became one of the largest and wealthiest of its time. A fervent supporter of Buddhism, King Bayinnaung constructed numerous pagodas and made significant donations to monasteries.
The final ruling dynasty of Burma was founded by King Alaungpaya in 1752 and lasted until 1885, when the British Empire annexed Burma. King Alaungpaya is also known for being the first Burmese monarch to intentionally manipulate ethnic identity as a tactic to achieve military and political dominance.
In 1871, King Mindon, the penultimate monarch of Burma, convened the Fifth Buddhist Council to revise and purify the Pāli scriptures. This event marked the first Buddhist council in modern history after a gap of 1,700 years, signifying a significant moment in Burmese history where the growth of Buddhism intersected with political events.
Burma regained independence from the British Empire in 1948, and the country’s first prime minister, U Nu, a nationalist and devout Buddhist, called for the Sixth Buddhist Council in 1954. Burma stands as the sole nation in modern Buddhist history to host two Buddhist councils in a century.
In 1961, U Nu enacted The State Religion Act, officially recognizing Buddhism as the state religion and formalizing the government’s role as a supporter of the faith. This decision sparked unrest among non-Buddhist minorities, leading to tensions that Gen. Ne Win later exploited to justify the military coup of 1962.
Initially, many Buddhist Burmese citizens supported the coup, believing the military could better address the country’s issues with ethnic minorities. However, one of Ne Win’s regime’s initial actions involved targeting non-Buddhist minority businesses through the nationalization of the economy. This resulted in numerous ethnic Chinese and Indian individuals becoming impoverished refugees overnight, fleeing to countries like China, India, and Singapore.
Ne Win’s regime also introduced the 1982 Citizenship Law, which restricted full citizenship to children born to parents classified as an “indigenous” race. Ethnic groups such as those of Chinese descent and Burmese Muslims encountered additional bureaucratic hurdles, with many Rohingya from Arakan State left without citizenship or proper documentation.
The 1962 coup significantly impacted Burmese society, leading to prolonged authoritarian rule and economic decline. The military has maintained the most powerful position in Myanmar, ruling the country through various means, including direct military regimes and a socialist government, all while manipulating Burma’s Buddhist tradition for its political objectives.
In the nation, renamed Myanmar officially in 1989, Gen. Than Shwe’s regime (1992-2011) continued to suppress minority ethnic and religious groups, inciting violence between Buddhists and other communities. Notably, in 2001, Buddhist monks demanded the destruction of the ancient Hantha Mosque in Taungoo city in retaliation for the Taliban’s demolishment of the Bamiyan Buddhas in Afghanistan, resulting in damage to Muslim residences, businesses, and mosques.
In 2007, the military government faced an unexpected challenge from Buddhist monks in the Saffron Revolution, triggered by the government’s decision to raise oil and gas prices, exacerbating the economic suffering of the Burmese people. The military’s severe response to these protests, directly targeting the monks, was visible to the public, eroding the government’s legitimacy in the eyes of many.
To appease the Buddhist majority and international pressures, especially following Cyclone Nargis, the Than Shwe regime ratified the 2008 Constitution. Subsequently, a general election was organized in 2010 under this new constitution, resulting in power transitioning to an elected government led by a former military general. Nonetheless, the election faced criticism for lack of transparency.
After the National League for Democracy (NLD) achieved a decisive victory in the 2012 by-election, the Myanmar military once again turned to Buddhism for political advantage, supporting extremist nationalist monks like Wirathu and the 969 Movement. These efforts specifically targeted the Rohingya, portraying them as invaders and illegal immigrants, setting a political trap for NLD founder Aung San Suu Kyi.
In 2013, the military instigated further violence, sparking riots in Meiktila, the constituency of prominent NLD leader Win Htein. These attacks targeted the local Muslim community, leading to the destruction of mosques and homes and numerous Muslim casualties. The military’s strategy aimed to stoke religious tensions, undermining Aung San Suu Kyi’s rising political influence while portraying itself as the defender of Buddhism.
In the 2015 general election, the NLD excluded all Muslim candidates from representing the party due to concerns over increasing anti-Muslim sentiment in the country. Subsequently, in 2017, after the NLD government’s victory in the general election, the military executed a brutal campaign against the Rohingya, resulting in what many describe as the Rohingya genocide. Fearing backlash domestically, Aung San Suu Kyi led Myanmar’s delegation to defend the military against genocide accusations related to the Rohingya crisis at the International Court of Justice.
Ultranationalist Buddhist groups like Ma Ba Tha have vocalized support for the military’s narratives of safeguarding the religion from internal and external threats. Following the 2021 coup led by Senior Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, influential Ma Ba Tha monk Sitagu, a Supreme Buddhist Monk Committee member, lauded the general as a Buddhism hero. Militant monks like Warthawa and Pauk Ko Taw are orchestrating violent pro-junta militias to promote Ma Ba Tha’s nationalist agenda.
State-owned media outlets regularly report on Min Aung Hlaing and his inner circle making contributions to monks, constructing monasteries, and erecting Buddha statues. These actions reflect the military’s consistent strategy of seeking legitimacy through religious symbolism – known as “Saffron Washing.”
Nonetheless, ultranationalist movements have significantly waned post-coup, particularly among Generation Z, as this new generation embraces diversity.
This year, instances have surfaced where prominent Ma Ba Tha monk Pauk Ko Taw openly criticized Min Aung Hlaing in January. In June, military forces fatally shot a 78-year-old monk, Bhaddanta Munindarbhivamsa, a Buddhist leader who had spoken out against the coup. The military initially tried to blame the killing on resistance forces before a fellow monk and eyewitness unveiled the truth, leading Min Aung Hlaing to retract and offer a public apology for the murder.
In conclusion, the Myanmar military has consistently manipulated Buddhism to reinforce its political power, aligning with nationalist monks and utilizing religious symbolism to maintain authority. “Saffron Washing” has served as a crucial element in the military’s strategy to justify its actions despite increasing opposition. However, the emergence of Generation Z, with its acceptance of diversity, indicates a shift away from the military’s religious exploitation in the future.