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HomeAfricaCarlos Lopes encourages resistance against Europe's tactic of dividing and conquering.

Carlos Lopes encourages resistance against Europe’s tactic of dividing and conquering.

During a special webinar organised by IC Publications, group publisher and managing director, Omar Ben Yedder engaged Professor Carlos Lopes, one of Africa’s deepest thinkers on various aspects concerning the continent, in a conversation about his latest book, The Self-Deception Trap: Exploring the Economic Dimensions of Charity Dependency within Africa-Europe Relations.

The book is a deep-dive into the forces that have shaped, and continue to shape the basis of the relationships between Africa and Europe and comes at a critical juncture in that relationship. Professor Lope’s clear-eyed analysis provides context for the evolution of that relationship and how it is likely to unfold in the future. We present highlights from the webinar.

Professor Carlos Lopes has held several important positions in African and global policy making, including as Executive Secretary of the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa and advisor to the late Kofi Annan when he was the UN Secretary General. In 2018, he was appointed as the African Union High Representative for Partnerships with Europe, which gives his latest book, additional heft.

Lopes explores the economic relationship between Africa and Europe, focusing on the stigmatised narratives surrounding Africa and their impact on key actors and processes. The book illustrates how European actors perpetuate these negative narratives by prioritising charity over genuine economic transformation and development.

At the same time, African leaders, competing to maximise aid, inadvertently reinforce these perceptions. The book also acknowledges the complex historical ties between the two continents and examines how Africa has been relegated to a peripheral role in the global economy.

Lopes describes writing the book as a therapeutic exercise born out of his inability to deliver fully on his mandate as the AU’s high representative. “I thought the reasons needed to be explained; reasons that are quite deep-rooted and that deserve to be understood by as many as possible, because they are likely to continue to repeat themselves,” he says. He believes that, as is the case with medicine, it is important to be very clear eyed about the cause of an ailment in order to find a solution that actually works.

Lopes’ thesis is that both Africa and Europe, bound by a legacy of colonialism, are labouring under varying illusions about the nature of their current relationship. “There is a self-deception on the part of the European actors when they think that what they are doing is altruistic and it’s going to help Africa transform itself and eventually get to growth and development.

“But there is also a self-deception on the part of the African actors that tend to believe that because of aid, because of the possibilities of assistance, it’s worth bending their own rules,” he explains.

Both these actors, he says are defining reality in a way that serves their interests – as he found out during his tenure as High Representative. “Europe had a strategy for Africa and they refused to admit that the Africans could have a strategy for Europe and so they did everything to undermine the possibility that Africa could actually put forward such an agenda.”

While the relationship is characterised by “lots of good intentions,” Lopes says these are not necessarily sufficient for success. Rather, the relationship between the two continents, as presently constructed, leaves Africa unable to pursue development paths that would have worked better for it than its Euro-facing policy leave it with.

One example that he singled out, is the concept of ‘comparative advantages’, which he dwells on at length in the book. “It’s a theory that puts Africa on the map mainly because of its mineral resources; its extractive potential and it is the reason that we are commodity dependent.”

This approach, drawing from the advice from international financial institutions, has only recently come under scrutiny. “That’s why I think it’s important for us to not hesitate to challenge these conceptual frames, because we have gotten so used to them that we think it’s fine,” he warns.

Citizens come last

Another effect of this adherence to a Eurocentric order, Lopes said, is that African leaders concentrate on trying to get commendation from international organisations and their European partners, rather than on the actual development and a better life for their citizens. “People will say country X is doing fine, or country Y has no debt problems, because they are able to meet their international obligations. They are not judged in terms of whether they meet their domestic obligations.”

African policy makers think: “How can I make sure that I have enough balance of payments, macroeconomic indicators that could allow me to meet my debt service, even if I pay the highest interest rates in the world!” The effect of this is that the approval of African citizens tends to count less to leaders than the applause from institutions and countries who judge them on these abstract indicators.

Africa must challenge these orthodoxies and Lopes argues that the continent has the numbers and the power to do so effectively. “We are 54 countries, so we count.”

He says the invitation to Africa to join the G-20, which was long overdue given Africa’s actual GDP compared to those of some long standing members; and the continent’s increasing participation in the BRICS bloc, are evidence of rising geopolitical interest in the continent.

However, Africa must leverage this power more effectively, particularly by overcoming divisions in its engagement with Europe. “The divide and rule that has prevailed, particularly in the engagements with Europe, has to cease,” he stresses, adding that the African Union must play a more decisive role in enforcing its decisions. “We must use our numbers better.”

The other way to get more out of the international system is for Africa to coordinate its decision making and negotiation positions. With a common voice, the continent can procure settlements in its favour, as it has demonstrably done recently.

“African countries have demonstrated by pushing the discussions about taxation back to the UN, when the OECD was basically trying to steal it and be the only major actor on the subject. Africa led and got it done,” he recalls,  adding “we need to demonstrate this on a number of fronts.” While it’s an ambitious task, it is not completely impossible.

Divide and rule tactics

Lopes is also rankled by the tendency of Europe to drive initiatives ostensibly for Africa’s benefit with little consultation with the continent itself. In recent years, as China in particular has ramped up its outreach to the continent Europe has responded with a litany of initiatives to maintain its foothold in the continent.

One of these, the Global Gateway, according to Lopes, is more gimmick than substance and includes already announced initiatives and monies that would not actually come to Africa and that have since been reduced considerably. “It’s nothing new and what is new is worse, not better,” he says.

Responding to a question on the Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs), Lopes describes them as “one more divide and rule tactic from the European Union,” pointing to the secrecy surrounding the negotiations and the lack of transparency – standards that the EU itself demands from African governments.

The EPAs divide Africa into fragmented negotiating blocs, with different countries striking separate deals with Europe, which undermines the work of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) “For all those reasons, it’s a bad deal. And they should have been dead,” Lopes says.

While some countries, such as Ghana, have signed interim agreements with the EU, the broader subregional approach has not materialised. Even in Southern Africa, where a large majority of the countries operate under the EPA regime, the agreements remain incomplete.

On the relative merits of exports and foreign direct investments, Lopes argues that Africa does not need to choose one over the other. While FDI is essential, it must align with Africa’s goals for structural transformation on a country-by-country basis.

Localising value addition is also essential, particularly for commodities that dominate exports. “It makes a lot of sense when you have a commodity that is overwhelming your exports for that commodity to be transformed locally.”

In an increasingly interconnected world where global value chains are more competitive, identifying strategic entry points becomes crucial. Lopes encourages African countries to think beyond commodities that offer limited opportunities for value addition, advising them to focus on their dynamic comparative advantages. “It all depends on the astuteness and sophistication of the policymakers.”

Responding to another question from the audience, Lopes said the evolving geopolitical landscape could either be a potential threat or a significant opportunity for Africa. “Everybody now is going to be reviewing their premises, regulatory systems, and ways of engaging,” he notes.

Using AI as an example, he says that while many feared it could threaten jobs in Africa, to the continent’s youthful demographic, it offers a distinct advantage. “The more tech-intensive processes and goods become, the more appealing they would be for a younger population,” he says.

On the other hand, AI could potentially disrupt traditional intellectual property regimes, given its reliance on data mining. “This could create new opportunities for Africa to enter into services in ways we couldn’t have imagined without AI,” he suggests. Ultimately, Lopes argues, Africa’s success in harnessing these changes depends on fostering the right capacities and approaching the challenges with intelligence and strategic foresight.

 

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